Teachers Responsibility Should Be Replaced by Robots

TEACHERS’ RESPONSIBILITIES SHOULD BE REPLACED BY ROBOTS For ages, human beings learn from teachers over the world to live their life. They learn how to read, to count and even to speak. However, certain parties have recently proposed that the teachers responsibilities should be replaced by robots; the fully programmed machines. People with sound mind and wise thinking would strongly believe that the proposal is ridiculous. They are totally opposed this issue in terms of reducing the quality of human touch, increasing number of unemployment and wasting money.Naturally, robots cannot replace human beings as teachers because they do not have what human have; feeling, passion, love and determination. So, let us turn back to the purpose of school in the first place. It is not only about passing the examination or obtaining good grades, but it is about becoming a good Samaritan as whole. If we pull out the presence of teachers in class, the spiritual and emotional quotient of the st udents would be disturbed by this action. It is a big waste to produce human capital without human value that can distinguish them from the machines.Equally important, increasing number of the unemployment will also take place. In the country itself, we are facing with the situation where a lot of people are unemployed. By replacing the teachers with robots, it will exacerbate the condition. The principle of utilitarianism should be applied as to reduce the problem of unemployment. Presently, if the government were to purchase the robots, and to replace the teachers, the compensation money that should be paid to the teachers is too costly for the government.Even after purchasing all the robots, the government will still need to pay for the monthly maintenance of those robots. Isn’t that consumed more money? Many would say that by having robots as teachers in school, the education system would be standardized. No more good and bad teachers. However, this misconception should b e tied off quickly. The system that is programmed to the robots, is not sufficient to cater all types of student as in reality we have excellent, average and weak students in our schools.This is a very serious issue that will need an extra attention from the government before accepting the proposal. All in all, it is strongly believed that teachers responsibility should not be replaced by the robots because they are lack of human touch, exacerbate the matter of unemployment plus it will be a waste of money. Thus, in order to have a better education system, we should have a good quality teacher that owns the x-factor to teach the students to become a perfect human beings as whole.

Power and Politics in Organization

Power and Politics in Organizations: Public and Private Sector Comparisons Joseph LaPalombara Wolfers Professor of Political Science and Management School of Management Yale University A chapter for the â€Å"Process of Organizational Learning† section of the Handbook of Organizational Learning, ed. Meinolf Dierkes, A. Berthoin Antal, J. Child & I. Nonaka. Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming. DRAFT: Please do not cite without author’s permission. Power and Politics in Organizations: Public and Private Sector ComparisonsJoseph LaPalombara Yale University Political Organizations and Their Milieu Organizational learning derives most of its knowledge from research on organizations in the private sector, particularly from the study of the firm. Its rich interdisciplinary quality is reflected in the range of social sciences that have contributed to the field’s robust development. The contribution from political science, however, has been minimal (reasons are s uggested in the chapter on ‘politics’ by LaPalombara in this volume).The mutual failure of political scientists to pay more systematic attention to organizational learning and of organizational learning specialists to extend their inquiries into the public/political sphere is unfortunate in at least three senses. First, a general theory of organizational learning is unlikely to emerge unless and until what is claimed to be known about this phenomenon is shown to be the case (or not) in the public/political sphere as well.Second, sufficient evidence in political science—even if not gathered with organizational learning as the central focus—shows that organizations in the public/political sector do differ in significant ways from those in the private sphere. And third, considerations of power and its exercise are so ubiquitous in public/political-sector organizations, indeed they are so central to an understanding of these bodies, that one wonders why such m eager attention has been paid to this concept in the literature on organizational theory and organizational learning.The present chapter is intended to show that the integration of political science into the field of organizational learning will be improved and that knowledge about organizational learning itself will be deepened if increased attention is focussed on two general questions: What characteristics of organizations in the public/political sector distinguish them from organizations in the private sector? And what are some of the implications of these differences for the overall field of organizational learning?The Normative Dimension The answer to the first question must be that one and perhaps the most salient distinguishing characteristic of public/political-sector bodies is that they are normative at their core. For organizations in the private sector, utility and efficiency are universally accepted as primary values. Theories about them are naturally based on the assum ption that these bodies are organized and behave according to rational principles that reflect these values and not other considerations.This assumption, however, remains so central to writing about management that, as shown below, it actually serves to impede almost any serious attention to power and politics in private-sector, for-profit entities. To be sure, any portrayal of private-sector, for-profit entities as monolithic structures exclusively and rationally oriented to the market and the so-called bottom line is much too stark and oversimplified.Even when this flaw is recognized or conceded, however, organizations in the public/political sector are quite different, so the logic and rationality that may apply to a private-sector body cannot easily be extrapolated to them. These differences are also reflected in the ways in which public-sector organizations relate to the learning process. The fact that they typically carry very heavy and distinctive normative baggage is only on e of many dimensions along which differences may be assessed.Normative considerations are endemic to public/political-sector organizations, first because they are directly or indirectly involved in what Easton (1953) once called ‘the authoritative allocation of values’(p. 129). This phrase is a shorthand way of describing a government’s vast organizational apparatus that engages in a wide range of activities over people. These activities typically include matters over which even the meekest of persons affected will argue and fight with each other, sometimes violently. These contrasts, or differences in preferences (i. e. hat government should do or not do), apply not just to the ends of government but also to the means chosen to bring these ends to fruition. In Lasswell’s (1936) brutally unvarnished observation, politics is about ‘Who Gets What, When, How’. Where organizations are constrained or hemmed in by normative considerations, appeals t o logic and rationality do not travel far or reach many receptive ears. Even when political issues appear to be settled and consensus is reached, say, on the desirability of a given policy, normatively driven questions will arise over the mode or method of policy achievement.Because these policies involve things that happen (or do not happen) to human beings, considerations of expediency and efficiency will often take a backseat to normative ideas about goal achievement. In Etheridge’s (1981) words, such normative matters also raise the issue of ‘what should government learn and what should government not learn’ (p. 86). To put it bluntly, learning things about goal-setting or policy implementation that may be rational and efficient but that are palpably unfeasible politically is not only a waste of resources but also a one-way ticket to political bankruptcy.This and other aspects of public/political-sector organizations to be discussed below make for a good deal of messiness—in organizational boundaries; in the specification of organizational missions and authority; in the functional, territorial, and hierarchical division of labor that relates to policy-making and policy execution; and so on. This messiness cautions against a too-easy extrapolation to the public sphere of agency theory or concepts such as principal–agent relationships. These theoretical frameworks may work quite well for the private sector, where one finds much clearer statements of urpose or of means and ends and where the boundaries demarcating organizations, their authority, and their responsibility are much more unambiguously delineated than in the public political sphere. To cite the most obvious example (see Mayntz and Scharpf 1975, for example), in the public sphere it is not easy to separate, say, the legislature (as ‘principal’) and the bureaucracy (as ‘agent’) for the simple reason that in many circumstances the bureaucrat s not only administer policies but also de facto make policies.In fact, the fabric of public policy-making and its administration is typically a seamless admixture of official and unofficial bodies interacting together in ways that make it next to impossible to distinguish principals from agents. This aspect is in part what I mean by messiness. Other Dimensions of Differentiation. It will help clarify the above exposition if one considers some of the additional dimensions that differentiate organizations in the public/political sphere from those in the private sector. The distinctions drawn are not a matter of black or white but rather one of degree.In every instance, however, differentiation is at least a caution against thinking that differences between the private and public/political spheres are superfluous, misleading, irrelevant, or nonexistent. The dimensions are the organization’s (a) purposes or goals, (b) accountability, (c) autonomy, (d) orientation to action, and (e) environment. Purposes and Goals Political organizations are typically multipurpose. The public policies they are expected to make or administer will often be quite vague, diffuse, contradictory, and even in conflict with each other (Levin and Sanger 1994: 64–8).What governments do is so vast and touches on so many different aspects of organized society that it would be astonishing if these policies did not have such characteristics. Even where single agencies of government are concerned, their purposes, goals, specific marching orders—to say nothing of their procedures and actual behavior—will rarely be coherent or logically consistent. Not only are the mandates of government normally quite vague and diffuse (Leeuw, Rist, and Sonnichsen 1994: 195; Palumbo 1975: 326), they may not be known to many of the people who make up the organizations designated to carry them through.It is not unusual for such organizations to have no goals at all (Abrahamsson 1977), or to have goals that appear to be quite irrational (Panebianco 1988: 204–19; 262–74). For this reason rational-actor models, in which it is assumed that preferences are ‘exogenous’ to the organizations themselves, rightly draw criticism when applied to public/political organizations (Pfeffer 1997). Accountability In the private sector, a timeworn cliche is that those who manage publicly held firms are accountable to their shareholders.As Berle and Means (1933) long ago established, this claim is largely a myth. If the ensuing decades have changed this situation at all, it is only in the influence now exercised over the firm by some of the rather large institutional investors as well as by some stock analysts. Occasionally, even the mass media may influence what a corporation does. The corporate community’s relatively recent references to management’s accountability to stakeholders does not make the publicly held firm similar to public/politica l organizations.In comparison with those who are in public office or who manage governmental and other political organizations, corporate managers live in splendid freedom. Paying attention to stakeholders is, like many other aspects of corporate policy, a matter of management’s choice. In the public/political sphere, accountability to a wide spectrum of individuals and organizations is an inescapable fact of organizational life. People in the public/political sphere who fail or refuse to understand this fact spend very little time there.Public-sector officials, especially those who occupy governmental office, whether appointive or elective, wisely pay attention to and worry about many constituencies, all of which are more or less ready and able to apply sanctions if their wishes or advice are not followed. The vaunted autonomy of the executive branch is much more limited than one supposes (Levin and Sanger 1994: 17). In all democratic systems, what the executive does is subj ect to oversight by legislatures and to challenge in the courts. And the latter two institutions are themselves subject to checks by still others.All of them are under continual scrutiny by outsiders prepared to intervene. In addition, many activities that are considered legitimate, and even praiseworthy, in the private sphere would subject public office-holders to arrest, prosecution, and possible imprisonment were they to practice them (Gortner, Mahler, and Nicholson 1987: 60–4). Consider, for example, the public’s quite different reactions to words like ‘broker’ and ‘influence peddler’—or the variety of meanings ascribed to a term like ‘corruption’.As noted by Child and Heavens (in this volume), the universal condition of governmental and other public-sector organizations is that they are subject to constitutions, laws, administrative regulations, judicial decisions, executive orders, and so on. The actions of these pers ons called upon to manage these organizations are constrained by external and internal de facto rules, and limitations (Rainey and Milward 1981). Comparable examples of accountability in the private sector are rare. Public/political-sector organizations are also for more ‘porous’ than private firms are.The former are easily permeated by organized outside interest groups determined to pull these organizations, and therefore their leaders and managers, in different policy directions. The mass media (often the instruments of powerful interests in civil society) also often make quite explicit and sometimes contradictory demands on them. Because these organizations are presumably representatives of the public and are expected to behave in its interest, the press is expected to be especially vigilant on behalf of the public. Above all, public-sector organizations in democracies are subject to the influence of political parties.These parties have their own preference orderings of issues and their own sense of the public policies required to deal with them. Their agendas are essentially normative; rarely do they brook qualification or interference on grounds of efficiency or similar considerations (Gortner et al. 1987: 65–9). Members of governmental organizations, even when protected by civil service laws, defy political parties at considerable risk. This exposure may be extreme in the United States, but it is endemic to European and other parliamentary systems as well. AutonomyThis condition of multiple accountability, formal and informal in nature (Cohen and Axelrod 1984), implies that political organizations are considerably less autonomous than private-sector organizations. Not only are the formal chains of command multiple and complex, but informal influences and pressures often limit, sometimes drastically, the degrees of freedom open to persons in these organizations. Although managers in the private sector are also not free to act exactly a s they might prefer, their organizations (as long as they operate within the law) are immensely more autonomous than public/political sector organizations are.Two additional characteristics relating to autonomy are worth noting. First, not only the goals of these organizations may not only be dictated from the outside, they may also be dependent on other external bodies to achieve them. Lawmakers need the executive branch, as do the courts, to have their policies enforced. Central governments need regional or local governments. A single policy may require the coordination and collaboration of different governmental bodies, many of which are in competition or conflict with each other.And, as I noted earlier, successful goal achievement may in part also lie in the hands of political parties and interest groups. Furthermore, governmental bodies or agencies often disagree about goals and policies. Evaluations of how well or poorly organizations are doing will be driven not by objective criteria (assuming they are available) but rather by political ideology and partisanship. Even within the same government, existing organizations will be in conflict over policies, such as in the case of ministries and departments that spend money while others have to worry about deficits, exchange rates, inflation, and so on.Even in highly authoritarian or dictatorial political systems, such factors make organizations in the public/political sphere, if not radically different in kind from their counterparts in the private sector, then certainly different in the valence of the factors that I have been enumerating. To summarize, the missions of these public/political bodies, their membership, the resources provided for operations, the rewards and punishments for good or bad goal achievement, and often the sheer survival of the organization itself are all matters that typically lie outside the organization itself.Hence, before taking initiatives, persons in political and governmental organizations will make careful internal and external assessments. First, they seek to discover how their superiors or immediate colleagues may feel about a policy or mode of policy implementation. Second, they look to how this policy or mode of implementation will sit with those internal or external forces that can impinge on their professional careers, their economic well-being, or the welfare of the organization itself.Third, they make assessments about what will lie in the way of their ambitions, including, perhaps, their desire to make and enforce given policies. This basic pattern suggests that these organizations are under enormous pressure to engage in learning. Attention will certainly be paid to other governmental agencies, political parties, labor unions, trade associations, religious or ethnic groups, the courts, the mass media, professional associations, the corporate community, and other political and governmental jurisdictions at home or abroad that may affect the org anization’s well-being.The list is very long of constituencies that wield enough power, formal or otherwise, to either dictate or veto certain policies or facilitate or nullify their successful implementation (Dean 1981: 133). Failures to perform calculations of this kind and to learn about these things—and at a reasonably high level of competence—will hobble or defeat the persons or organizations involved. The corporate community has taken to engaging in somewhat similar scanning in recent years, largely because of the internationalization of the firm.When managers extend their operations abroad, they come to appreciate the value, indeed the necessity, of scanning these new environments for aspects that are not, strictly speaking, directly related to the market. As noted above this scanning has also been practiced at home, for national and local governments have come to exercise jurisdiction over matters that affect the life and particularly the profit or loss of private enterprise. One can generalize this tendency by noting that managers are increasingly impelled to engage in scanning whenever gaps begin to appear between a corporation’s policies and its actual performance.Failure to catch sight of such gaps before the media do can carry severe consequences. Orientation to Action The conditions described above do not encourage much initiative by public/political-sector organizations. Action tends to be reactive, not proactive, and prophylactic, not innovative. Fresh ideas are typically viewed as threats to a delicate equilibrium between internal and external forces. Few people wish to risk taking steps that might trigger chain reactions with unknown consequences.Conservatism, not risk-taking, becomes the modal orientation to action. Persons in the private sector, and the mass media, lament attitude, sometimes stridently. They overlook, perhaps, that they themselves are partly responsible for the shortcomings that they criticize. C onservatism also grows out of the fact that these organizations are much more tied to tradition and more deeply institutionalized than is true in the private sector. These traits, too, make them extremely resistant to change.Whether legislatures (Cooper 1975), political parties (Panebianco 1988), or bureaucratic agencies (Powell and DiMaggio 1991; Scott 1995) are meant, the length of time they have been around will greatly condition what the organization is capable of doing, including its capacity to learn and, on this basis, to change. Max Weber’s (1958) reference to bureaucracy’s ‘dead hand’ (p. 228) suggests that this type of conservatism is brought about by the very same characteristics that he associated with legal-rational authority systems.Some writers have labeled this phenomenon ‘strong institutionalization’ (Panebianco 1988: 53). Others have called it the embeddedness of values, or norms, that affect the cognitive systems of organiza tions (Herriott, Levinthal, and March 1985), the governmental sphere, therefore, endless examples show that efforts to reform these organizations fail more often than not (Destler 1981: 167–70). This pattern does not mean that the bureaucrats who run these organizations are beyond anyone’s control or that change is impossible (Wood and Waterman 1994).It does mean, however, that organizational change is extraordinarily difficult to carry off, given the magnitude of inertial forces (Kaufman 1981). The budget process and goal displacement in the public/political sphere are additional factors that impinge on an orientation to action. For instance, not only are public budgets controlled from outside the organizations that depend on these allocations, in the short and medium terms, they can be modified and redirected only minimally, and at the margins. This circumstance is one reason why political scientists who wish to identify the most powerful groups and organizations, wi thin government tself and within civil society, will profile public budgetary allocations over fairly long periods of time. Goal displacement occurs when the personal interests and expediency of organizational leaders and members come to dominate and replace the purpose(s) of the organization itself. This tendency is ubiquitous in the political sphere. Cooper (1975) nicely summed it up in his observation on the U. S. Congress: He found that institution ‘quite vulnerable to the deleterious effects the pursuit of residual goals [of its members] involves. These self-regarding goals] distort policy orientations and block institutional reforms by making individual self interest or collective partisan advantage the focus of attention and the criterion of action’ (p. 337). Mayhew (1974) found that the best explanation for the action orientation of members of Congress is the strength of each member’s the desire be reelected. In extreme form, and in many different types o f organizations, these characteristics actually result in a transformation of the organization itself (Perrow 1972: 178–87).The Environment Because the environment of organizations in the public/political sphere is so strongly normative, the policies enacted there are not only temporary but also contested in their implementation every step of the way both inside and outside government. Knowing about these aspects of their environment, the managers of public/political organizations engage in a predictable type of environmental scanning and learning. For example, they learn whether to pay more attention to the legislature or to the executive office (Kaufman 1981).In order to be at least minimally effective in their environments, the organizations involved must learn the ways and means of overcoming the kinds of constraints that I have been summarizing (Levin and Sanger 1994: 66–8, 171–6). Indeed, considerations of organizational efficiency may be and often are ent irely irrelevant to decision-making and choice in the political sphere. Successful ‘entrepreneurs’ in this context are the ones who learn how to survive and/or help their policies survive in an environmental landscape full of dangerous surprises and subject to frequent and radical change.The basic knowledge to be internalized is that this struggle will remain continuous and that space for freedom of action will not last long. It is these qualities—ambiguity, messiness, and continuous struggle and conflict—in the political and governmental environment that lead political scientists to give considerable attention to power and its distribution both among and within organizations. That attention remains intense, notwithstanding that power is an elusive concept invariably laden with all sorts of normative claims about to what type of power is legitimate and what type is not.In political science there is fairly broad agreement (Dahl 1968) that power is the abili ty, through whatever means, of one to person make another do his or her bidding, even and particularly in circumstances in which doing so is not what the other person wishes or prefers. Power and Organizations The Role and Anatomy of Power Struggles Power, and the struggle over it, describe the essence of the political process. Rothman and Friedman (in this volume) note that scholars writing on organizational learning rarely take conflict and conflict resolution into consideration.They add that organizational conflict, even in the hands of authors as skilled as March and Olsen (1976), is not mentioned as one of the factors that may inhibit the successful development of a learning cycle (see also March 1966). This neglect stems in part from the tendency, widespread in both the corporate community and management literature, to consider conflict itself as something highly undesirable and potentially pathological and, therefore, as something to be defeated (Hardy and Clegg 1996: 627â₠¬â€œ8; Pfeffer 1981: 2–9).It cannot be without negative consequences, either for the theory of organizational learning or for attempts to apply it in the workplace, that such organizations are almost never studied from the vantage point of power and of the competition that takes place to create and maintain control of it or wrest it from others (Berthoin Antal 1998; Dierkes 1988; Hardy and Clegg 1996: 631). One author (Kotter 1979: 2) noted that the open seeking of power is widely considered a sign of bad management.Indeed, the authors of management literature not only skirt the behavior associated with power struggles but also condemn it as ‘politicking’, which is seen as parochial, selfish, divisive, and illegitimate (Hardy and Clegg 1996: 629). Kotter (1979) found, for example, that in 2,000 articles published by the Harvard Business Review over a twenty-year period, only 5 of them included the word ‘power’ in their titles. This finding is astound ing. It suggests that power is treated like a dirty little family secret: Everyone knows it’s there, but no one dares come right out to discuss it.One might imagine, though incorrectly, that the situation has changed for the better in recent decades. An examination of the Harvard Business Review with Kotter’s same question in mind shows that only 12 of more than 6,500 articles published in the period from 1975 to mid-1999 contained the word ‘power’ in their titles and that 3 contained the word ‘conflict’. ‘Leadership’ appeared in nine titles. In a sample of abstracts of these articles, one finds, as expected, the term ‘power’ somewhat more often than in the article’s titles.But the term is almost never treated as a central concept that orients the way the researcher looks at an organization or develops propositions about its internal life. This finicky, keep-it-in-the-closet attitude toward power is puzzling. F or political scientists, the question of power in organizations is central for many reasons: because power is held unequally by its members, because there is a continuous struggle to change its distribution, because these inequalities and efforts to change them inevitably lead to internal tensions.A persistent quest in political science, therefore, is to illuminate the structural aspects of public/political management that permits those involved to confront and handle power confrontations without defeating the purpose of the organization itself. Is There a Power Struggle? The puzzle of inattention to power in the fields of organizational theory and organizational learning is all the more intriguing given that leading organizational theorists, such as Argyris and Schon (1978, 1996) and Perrow (1972), have certainly addressed this matter.For example, Perrow treated organizational traits such as nepotism and particularism as means by which leaders of economic and noneconomic organizati ons maintain their power within them. Because these organizations are the tools of those who lead them and can be used to accumulate vast resources, a power struggle typically occurs over their control (pp. 14–17). And because of goal displacement that may accompany such power struggles, organizations may well become ‘things-in-themselves’ (pp. 188–9).It is possible that leading theorists such as Argyris and Schon (1978, 1996) and Senge (1990) have themselves been excessively reticent in treating phenomena such as power struggles within the firm (Coopey 1995). It may be that corporate managers are in denial and therefore loathe to acknowledge that even they, like their counterparts in politics, are playing power games. Firms, and the literature about them, stress the beauty of teamwork and team players. Plants are organized around work teams and quality circles. Mission statements are endlessly reiterated.Human resource managers expend enormous energy inst illing the firm’s culture as a distinctive way of doing things. People who excel at the approved traits are rewarded with promotions and stock options. All these practices might be cited as evidence that corporate behavior is instrumentally rational and that the search for power, especially for its own sake, is alien to the firm. This way of thinking and describing things leaves little room for attention to the power games that lie at the center of most organizational life.Thus, making decisions about corporate strategic plans and the budgetary allocations that go with them; defining of core businesses and the shedding of what is not ‘core’; effecting mergers, acquisitions, and alliances; and carrying out radical corporate restructuring that may separate thousands of persons from their jobs and yet dazzlingly reward others would typically be seen by political scientists as behavior that is quite similar to the kind of power struggles that take place every day in public-sector organizations.Behind the veil of corporate myth and rhetoric, managers obviously know about this aspect of their environment as well. So do writers for the financial newspapers, where words such as ‘power struggle’ appear much more frequently than they do in the management journals. How could it be otherwise when the efforts at leveraged buyouts, struggles to introduce one product line and abolish others, and differences over where and how best to invest abroad take on the monumental dimensions reported in the press?It would be astonishing if the persons involved in these events were found to actually believe that considerations of personal and organizational power are not germane to them. Nevertheless, as Hardy and Clegg (1996) noted, ‘the hidden ways in which senior managers use power behind the scenes to further their position by shaping legitimacy, values technology and information are conveniently excluded from analysis. This narrow definition o bscures the true workings of power and depoliticizes organizational life’ (p. 629). Attempts to correct the queasy orientation to the reality of conflict and power struggles have been relatively rare.One reason is that not just the actors in the corporate community but also students of such things come to believe in the mythologies about empowered employees, concern for the stakeholders, the rationality of managerial decisions, and the pathology of power-seeking within organizations. Their belief is a pity in that, without doubt, the structure of power, explicit or implied rules about its use, and the norms that attach to overt and covert power-seeking will deeply affect the capacity of the organization to learn (Coopey 1995).In any case, there can be no doubting the fact, however much it may continue to be obscured in the corridors of corporate power, that struggles of this kind deeply affect corporate life its external behavior; and who gets what, when, and how within these institutions (Coopey 1995: 202–5). The Benefits of Power Struggle Power struggle, of course, is not the only aspect of organizations worth study, and the world of politics is not just Hobbesian in nature. Cooperation is the obverse of conflict.How power is defined and whether the definition reflects left-wing or right-wing bias makes a difference in thinking about or conceptualizing the salience of power in organizations (Hardy and Clegg 1996: 623–5). In particular, it is essential that one avoid any definition or relatively broad conceptualization that does not take into account that, in any organization the existing ‘rules of the game’ even if they are considered highly rational and ‘legitimate’, constitute in themselves the outcome of an earlier (and typically ongoing) struggle over control of an organization’s resources (Hardy and Clegg 1996: 629).When the ubiquitous existence of power struggle within organizations is acknowledged and put into proper perspective, when power-seeking (even when the impulse is entirely ego-centered and not driven by organizational needs) is accepted as normal behavior, and when it is recognized that no existing organizational structure is entirely neutral, only then can one hope to clarify what kind of single-loop or double-loop learning is likely to occur.For example, Coopey (1995) argued, correctly in my view, that where the distribution of power within an organization is hierarchical and asymmetrical, the type of organizational learning that proceeds in such contexts will tend to buttress the status quo. Their reasoning makes sense not just because, for example, the learning process tends to favor senior managers but also because the kind and quality of information to which those managers have access becomes, in itself, an instrument for exercising and preserving one’s favorable position in the power hierarchy.In the public sector, double-loop learning is even more imp eded and therefore rarer than in the private sphere. The reason is that politics, in both the organizational environment and political organizations, actually infuses every aspect of what public-sector organizations are and what they do. The more important the sphere of action or the issues treated by these bodies and the more public attention they draw, the more difficult it will be to reach consensus.And once consensus is reached, the more improbable it will be that anyone will either want to modify it or succeed in doing so—no matter what the feedback about the policies and their efficacy may turn out to be (Smith and Deering 1984: 263–70). Double-loop learning in the public sphere is impeded also by the formal separation of policy-making and policy implementation, as for example between legislative and administrative bodies. As noted earlier, policies are infrequently the choices of the organizations called on to implement them.In this setting, endemic to governmen tal systems, certain types of impediments to organizational learning tend to materialize. On the principal’s side, there may not be sufficient time, or technical competence, or interest to learn what is actually going on with policy implementation. The probability is low, therefore, that those who make policy and set organizational goals will ever get information that might encourage a realistic articulation of goals and a rational specification of the means to be used in goal achievement.Organized interest groups are well aware of this gap. As a consequence, their typical strategy is to keep fighting for what they want, not only when alternative policies are up for consideration but also (sometimes particularly) after an unwanted policy has formally been adopted but must still face the vagaries of being carried out. On the agent’s side, whatever is learned about policy implementation that might urge a change of methods or of the policy itself may never be articulated at all, for to do so might upset an existing political equilibrium.Not only are these equilibria difficult to obtain in the first place, they often also involve an unspoken, symbiotic relationship—often dubbed the ‘Iron Triangle’ (e. g. Heclo 1978: 102)—between a specialized legislative committee, a bureaucratic agency responsible for administering the specialized policies, and the organized interests that benefit from particular policies, particular ways of implementing these policies, or both. Potential learning that would upset this balance of forces finds very rough sledding.The treatment of whistle-blowers, who sometimes go public with revelations of misguided or distorted policies or of bad methods used in their administration, is eloquent evidence of this problem. One way to overcome the stasis implied by these tendencies is to encourage power struggles, not to obscure them (Lindblom 1971: 21–42, 64–7). Nothing will galvanize the atten tion of politicians and bureaucrats more than learning that organized groups with a vested interest in a given policy and large numbers of faithful voters are unhappy about a particular aspect of public policy.When these groups lie outside the Iron Triangle, they are far less inhibited by considerations of equilibria then when they are inside it. This single-issue focus is indeed one of the reasons why even small and not well-financed public advocacy groups can sometimes be very effective in bringing about change (Heclo 1978). The trick is to maximize transparency, to encourage more group intervention as well as prompt the media to provide more, and more responsible, investigative reporting than they usually offer.Today it appears that the Internet is quickly becoming an important instrument for the timely, accurate, and detailed exposure, now on a global scale, of conditions that require correction. The organizational learning implications of this development are potentially enormo us. Increased transparency implies, if nothing else, a more democratic, capillary diffusion and sharing of information (see also Friedman, Lipshitz, and Overmeer in this volume).In an organizational context, whether in the private or the public sphere, this fact alone modifies the form, quality, and spread of learning; it also brings about a modification of the organizational power structure itself. Such modifications also mean that the structure and configuration of conflict will change. In political science this kind of transformation, which widens and deepens competition, is considered to have healthy implications for the overall political system in which competition takes place.That is, benefits are expected to derive from the fact that the ‘market’ becomes, in comparison to the more dirigiste state, more Smithian, less concentrated, and less dominated by a handful of competitors who, rhetoric aside, rarely pursue the general welfare but rather much narrower conside rations. At the very least, increased transparency and the broadening of the competitive sphere clearly require that political managers develop a set of skills that permit them to meet such challenges and function well within these constraints.New Signals from the Private Sector Something similar to this attitude about encouraging conflict may be developing in the private sector. Gortner et al. (1987) lamented that theories of the organization ‘simply do not deal with the issue of politics, and . . . [that these theories] interpret power as an internal phenomenon usually related to the area of leadership’ (p. 76). But change may be afoot in this respect for at least two reasons.Contributors to this volume as well as writers such as Pfeffer (1981, 1997), Coopey (1995) and Hardy and Clegg (1996) may well succeed in their efforts to raise self-consciousness and broaden and refine theories of the organization and organizational learning to include attention to power and pol itics. Second, variations and abrupt changes in the environment of business are ubiquitous today and likely to intensify tomorrow. It could not be otherwise in an era of globalization of the firm, in which, more than ever before, firms venture into a wide variety of cultural settings.In addition, managers increasingly come from a wide variety of cultures and professional backgrounds where values and norms are not necessarily carbon copies of each other. An organization’s capacity to read signals about politics and power distributions, outside as well as inside the firm, and to make quick, constructive adaptations to them will represent not just a luxury but also a necessary condition for establishing a competitive advantage in the global marketplace.In limiting cases, this capacity may actually become a necessary condition for survival. Power-driven behavior within the firm not only is endemic to such organizations but remains salient irrespective of the degree to which the f irm succeeds in creating an internal environment that is homogeneous, harmonious, and collaborative—an environment peopled by those who share corporate values and a corporate culture and who stress collective over individual goals (Handy 1993: 123–49).By definition, the firm is typically an organization that places high value on the competitive spirit. That spirit is an aspect of human behavior everywhere and that can scarcely be divorced from the impulse to obtain and hang on to disproportionate shares of power. Improved understanding of the structure of such internal competition also illuminates the relationship between these kinds of patterns and corporate learning (Coopey 1995: 197–8; Hardy and Clegg 1996: 633–5; Kotter 1979: 9–39).Increased attention to power (even if the term itself is not used) is implicit in the corporate community’s recent encouragement of internal open expression of objections to existing policies and of open compe tition between units of the company and between its members. Bringing these universal underlying conditions to the surface may be inevitable, given how much more variegated today’s large-scale companies are from those in the past, not just in technology, product lines, and personnel but above all in the great diversity of markets and cultures in which they now operate.The less homogeneous the international firm becomes, the more difficult it will be to mask the fact that corporate life, like political life, involves a good deal of organizational and individual struggle over power. Power Linkages and Networks Because conflict and power struggle in public-sector organizations are both internal and external, their managers are impelled to search the environment for opportunities to form alliances. Sometimes such alliances are of the Iron Triangle variety, but they are certainly not limited to this form. The idea is to create structural linkages that will improve one’s cha nces of prevailing.As public policies become more salient for the firm, the firm too, will experience increased need to expand its own networks beyond those that already exist in the marketplace. Linkages with public bodies, for example, cannot be optimized (as once may have been the case) through the use of consultants and lobbyists. Structures and capabilities consonant with the establishment of direct networks come to replace or supplement these older approaches. Multinational corporations that operate abroad, where public policies represent new risks for the firm as well as new opportunities as well, have often moved in exactly this networking direction.One indicator of this change is the proliferation not just of equity joint ventures (as opposed to the once-dominant fetish of the wholly owned subsidiary) but also all manner of other interfirm alliance, designed to optimize, in overseas local markets, the use of firms and their managers who have extensive experience there. In t he case of U. S. companies, this type of change was also spurred by the passage of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act a generation ago. At home, one immediate consequence of this legislation was a sharp increase in the number of in-house attorneys employed by American firms.Overseas, it led to a much more intense search for the ways and means of finding arrangements that can somehow enable overseas U. S. firms to engage in corporate behavior that was unexceptional abroad but suspect or even outright unacceptable at home. The globalization of enterprise, the growth of networks in which the firm becomes involved at home and abroad, also brings about a considerable extension of learning methods and horizons, if not a new type of organizational learning in the private sector. The international firm becomes more sensitized to power configurations and power equilibria.The search is broadened as well as intensified in order to identify aspects of the environment that might impinge on corpor ate success. The quality of intelligence relevant to business operations at home and abroad is improved, as is the knowledge about the location and means of access to points in the decision-making process that relate to public policies affecting the foreign investor. A keen sense that each environment has its unique aspects as well as dimensions that are general to any environment impels the firm to sharpen its analytical instruments and thereby try to improve its learning.Efforts to create a total quality system come to include not just the production, distribution, and servicing of a firm’s products but also the firm’s ability to recognize power and power struggles for what they are and to attune its learning methods to profit from this new capability. Types of Power Distributions and Equilibria Although power equilibria are never permanent, they tend to last for a long time. The reform of governmental bodies tends to be greatly resisted because, even when reforms ar e relatively mild, they threaten existing equilibria (Seidman 1977).As a rule, unless quick and deep change is the goal, it is better for an organization (inside or outside the public/political sphere) to learn how to operate within an existing equilibrium than to make efforts to change it. Indeed, it is almost axiomatic that, where a radical departure in public policy is intended, creating a new organization is far preferable to seeking achievement of these new goals through the existing system (Levin and Sanger 1994: 172–3).Events of this kind, though rare, provide highly fluid opportunities to achieve first-mover advantages as new networks and a new equilibrium are established. In this regard, it makes a difference whether the overall configuration of the political system is monocratic or pluralist, unitary or federal, highly centralized or characterized by broad delegation or devolution of powers. That is, power equilibria at the microlevels will be influenced in no small measure by the configuration of the larger system in which these equilibria are embedded.Pluralism Pluralist systems tend to maximize not only the number of individuals and organizations able to intervene in the policy-making and policy implementation processes but also the number of channels through which the interventions occur. Pluralism implies minute and fragmented representation of interests. The underlying assumption is that equality of opportunity, central to democratic theory, should also apply to the policy-making process. It will obviously make a difference which groups prevail in these efforts to exercise influence.It is equally important whether and what kinds of groups can bring some order to the process by aggregating a number of small groups under a single organizational umbrella. Pluralism also invites much debate. In theory, when consensus is achieved, it is expected to be very strong, precisely because of widespread opportunities that interested parties have for being consulted and hearing the views of others. Again in theory, this system of broad participation should also optimize the discovery both of best solutions and of innovative ideas about public policies and how best to achieve them.It is behind such policies, according to pluralist democratic theory, that one can expect the strongest collective effort to emerge. And given all of these assumptions, consensual policies are likely to be well administered and widely accepted as long as they achieve expected aims. Within this rich mosaic of interactive participation, organizational learning is presumably optimized, as are the efficacious making and implementation of public policies. There are also negative sides to pluralism, and they are well known to organizational theorists.A plethora of communication channels easily degenerates into information overload. This overload in turn can lead to never-ending debates that wind up in stalemates or paralysis. There may be too much talk, too m any options raised, and little inclination, or indeed ability, to reach closure. An even more notable objection to this mode of decision-making is the raised probability that it will produce only lowest-common-denominator outcomes. The need to balance competing forces and to find acceptable compromises implies that only in extreme emergencies can pluralist systems adopt radical measures.Pluralism and the forceful, timely management of issues do not sit easily side by side. Hence, it seems valid to presume that such systems will not work well within a corporate structure that, almost by definition, is expected to be hierarchical and unitary (Hardy and Clegg 1996: 622–6). Monocratic and Unitary Systems Monocratic and unitary systems are highly centralized. If they permit a broad representation of interests, it is likely to be within a framework that is much more disciplined than that of pluralist systems.Monocratic and unitary systems are able to act even when broad consensus m ay be wanting or impossible to bring about. Participation from the ground up, so to speak, is not so loose or permissive as to actually tie the hands of or paralyze those at the center. Compared to pluralist systems, monocratic arrangements tend to be less democratic (not to be confused with undemocratic). They may involve broad, well-articulated participation in policy-making and implementation, but within limits.They tend to be more intolerant of inputs that are judged to be dysfunctional. They are immensely more suspicious of interventions in the formal decision-making and policy implementation process by groups and organizations that are not official, or not officially approved by the government. The tensions between pluralistic/democratic and unitary/monocratic arrangements are not unlike those found within corporations that move in the direction of empowerment of those located toward the bottom of the pyramidal hierarchy.As I have suggested, this pyramid is not just one of pos itions and authority but also of command and control. That is, as long as the pyramid remains a pyramid, even slightly, it is a power arrangement governed by rules that, with rare exceptions, are themselves the outcome of a power struggle. Serious efforts to empower persons who have not had very much power, or who through empowerment will come to exercise more of it than in the past, clearly imply a widening and deepening of participation in decision-making both in the making of corporate policies and in their implementation.It is no wonder that changes of this kind, as well as those designed to bring stakeholders meaningfully into such processes, are fraught with complications and that they usually degenerate into not much more than lip-service platitudes (Coopey 1995). Monocratic and unitary political systems, such as those typically found in Europe and elsewhere outside the United States (and to some extent outside Great Britain), accord very high status to the state writ large. Those who manage the state are more inclined to redirect, minimize, and, if necessary, override interference from civil society when this interference threatens to paralyze government.Reasons of state, as the justification is often called, will lead to closure of debate and then to public action, presumably in favor of the community as a whole. In monocratic systems, popular sovereignty and broad participation by the masses or by organized groups will not be permitted to place the state and its overriding welfare at risk. This attitude is similar to the posture of senior corporate managers who are scarcely about to tolerate modes of empowerment or participation that might cast serious doubt on the company’s mission, the rationality of its basic long-term strategy, or the company’s very survival.Nevertheless, in the corporate sphere, as in the sphere of the state, the powers available to managers must be and often are used to end an aura of legitimacy not just to existi ng rules and policies but also to the outcomes that derive from them (Hardy and Clegg 1996: 630). Federalism Federalism adds another facet to this discussion. As a political concept that stands in opposition to that of unitary structures, federalism implies a division of power on the basis of territory.A much-touted advantage of federalism is that it permits the bringing together, under one central authority, of territorial units that differ quite markedly from each other in many ways. This would include, say, the size of their population or territory; their racial or linguistic make-up; and a wide range of social, economic, and even political conditions. Federal systems represent ways of organizing and managing diversity. In the realm of politics, experience has shown that these systems are therefore much more viable means of managing large nations than are highly centralized unitary systems.In fact, most of these nations are of the federal, not the unitary, variety—even the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China in their so-called totalitarian heyday. Federalism also maximizes the amount of experimentation (with different laws, institutions, electoral arrangements, administrative organizations, and the like) that can take place under a common political roof. This umbrella-like structure permits, indeed encourages, the search for best practice in institutional form and relationships and in policy-making and implementation. This feature of federalism encourages, permits, and, indeed encourages self-conscious learning.In the United States, for example, there are formal organizations designed to provide the individual states and major cities with information about the potentially innovative or effective approaches that each may be taking to, organizational procedures or public policy. Similar information-sharing institutions also exist at the international level. This institutionalized learning is designed in the broadest sense to raise th e quality and lower the cost of governmental services. In a federal setting the political center shares a number of powers with other territorial units. Except in estricted areas, it cannot pretend to be the exclusive holder or exerciser of power and authority. Even where in formal terms the political center’s authority may be exclusive and where policies are expected to be uniformly administered throughout the system’s territories and subunits, considerable local variation must be permitted. Unitary systems, by contrast, permit much less flexibility of this type. The central authority within such systems exercises nearly exclusive authority to make system-wide policies, and it is also expected that these policies will be uniformly administered everywhere.Any deviation from centrally established policies, indeed any policy-making within subnational units, proceeds only with some sort of authorization by the center. As often said in France, if one wishes to know exactly what children might be doing at a certain hour of any school day, it is sufficient to consult the manual issued by the appropriate ministry in Paris. The unitary form is highly analogous to the world-wide business firm, including firms organized by product group or division, in which authority and control are concentrated in a single, central organization.The preceding, post-war development of the multinational corporation, at least in the United States, proceeded for the most part on the basis of this model. It was thought that the revolutions in jet travel and electronics made such centralized control both desirable and feasible. That is, these changes in the speed and facility of travel and communication were said to make possible the global extension of the so-called Sloan model of the corporation, a model that had worked so well within the United States.Feedback and Learning No matter whether the basic structure is pluralistic or monocratic, federal or unitary, the need for fe edback from which the center can presumably learn is universal. Federal systems, because they produce many streams of information, may be more open but less efficient than unitary systems. Unitary systems, although in theory narrower and easier to control than federal systems are in terms of information-producing channels, are at high risk of having information delayed, distorted, or misdirected.It is apparent, however, that the center often deludes itself into believing that, with a highly disciplined and centralized organizational weapon at its disposal (like the Communist party under Stalin in the USSR or the Chinese Communist party under Mao), it can both learn and control what transpires at the periphery (Hough 1969). The fallacious assumption in this instance is that a centralized and highly disciplined organizational instrument, such as the Communist party, can prevail irrespective of whether the overall system is of the federal or unitary configuration.Pluralism and Federali sm in the Firm? A pluralist and federal model of the polity ill fits the generally held image of the firm and of other private-sector organizations. Decision-making of the kind represented by the typical firm can scarcely follow a pluralist model to the letter, at least not without a rethinking of a great many well-established notions of what a world-scale company should be and how it should be run. Within the firm great emphasis is placed on clear lines of authority, both horizontal and vertical.The global firm still tries to instill a single corporate culture so that the hierarchy of values, the operational norms, and the modus operandi will be essentially the same wherever its branches and units may be located. This model leaves little room for pluralist inputs and local diversity. Pluralist democracies and federal systems thrive (most of the time) on their multicultural dimensions. Rather than eliminate diversity, it is honored and encouraged. In the corporate world, much of wha t is claimed about decentralization, ‘planning from the bottom up’, and individual empowerment often is spurious.Senior managers in the corporate world are rarely able or inclined to practice the decentralization or the broad and deep participation that they may preach. More often than not they use the considerable powers at their disposal not to encourage debate that leads to consent but rather to mobilize consent itself (Hardy and Clegg 1996: 626). In the public/political sector, a key test of how seriously the center wishes to encourage diversity and favor empowerment lies in the practice of devolution, as opposed to decentralization.Devolution, typically practiced on a territorial basis, substantially reduces the powers of the center over the periphery, sometimes drastically. The strongest indicator of this reduction is the empowerment of the periphery not only to make policies but also to tax or otherwise raise capital in connection with these policies. Such transf ers, in turn, encourage high levels of competition between the subnational units of federal systems, sometimes creating very difficult problems at the center.Devolution increases pluralism. When hierarchy is replaced by something composed of rather free-acting units, managers need to develop skills that are germane to these changed circumstances. It is one thing when a person’s position makes it possible to mobilize consent and conforming behavior; it is quite another story when both of these things must be generated within the context of a relatively open, participatory, and fluid system of reaching consensus on what should be done and how best to do it.It is possible that the globalization of enterprise will force an increase in genuinely federal arrangements on the firm, a shift that would certainly imply moving away from a strict unitary, hierarchical model and award one that is genuinely more participatory, even if more difficult to manage. Charles Handy (1996) stated th at such a change may be taking place (pp. 33–56), although even he suggested that the application of federal principles to the corporate world will, perhaps inevitably, be imperfect (pp. 109–12).The creation of similar federal structures, even ones remaining distant from devolution, requires a new look at many of the most canonical ideas about how best to organize and manage the profit-seeking enterprise. On close inspection, the sometimes spectacular downsizing and other changes in corporate structures since about 1990 do not appear to have brought about radical operational changes in hierarchical structure. In both the public and the private sectors, centralized control of organizations dies hard.Nevertheless, the federal thrust in many of today’s global firms should not be underestimated. In the truly global firm, where multinationality is not just a label, traditional arrangements for strategic plans, corporate finance, and capital budgeting—which are still basically monocratic and unitary in nature—will gradually be revised. It is misleading to think, as so many corporate managers still do, that the continuing electronic and information technology revolutions will permit efficient global control from a single, geographically dis

Construction Management

Bonds LaShundra Hines Indiana Wesleyan University Personal Finance BUS 150 Keith Smith July 22, 2009 Construction Management The function of a construction manager is to advise and consult a client or owner concerning the programming and design of a project. This would include cost estimation, coordination of the work schedule , equipment and material deliveries. A concern in the managers advisement and consultation is trade jurisdiction of the various contractors and the activity coordination of the engineers and architect. One of the most important functions of a construction manager is to offer critical analysis as it relates to the design, economics, and constructibility being proposed by the architect while always keeping in mind the initial budget and the ultimate goal of providing the best possible facility. Demographics In the analysis of demographics and its impact on commercial spending, consideration should be given to the cause of Dayton residents who flee to neighboring communities,increasing crime rates. The lack of employment opportunities, and the infiltration of less desirable residents who fail to take proper care of their property, are some reasons for this flight,which robs Dayton City limits of responsible consumers whose spending would otherwise enhance retail development and progress. It is true, that those disadvantaged families who have been victimized by alcohol and substance abuse, economic down turns and criminal activity, need decent residents like anyone else. However; given the current economically depressing conditions, law enforcement, city inspectors and other institutional overseers are obliged to be more diligent in minimizing problems that arise under these circumstances. Urban Retail Strategy Proper use of land based resources dictates that urbanism advocates mixed-use development which combines residential, commercial, cultural, and recreational uses, rather than segregating these uses into separate zones or traditional single-use zoning. This strategy also facilitates the presence of a variety of demographic entities as per age, sex, income, etc. These varied consumers would be available in the area of retail development and would also cancel some concerns of isolated criminal activity. Environmental Concerns Asbestos legal firms advertising to represent victims of asbestos contamination , appear hourly on tv commercials. This fact emphasizes that asbestos is still a dangerous threat to the population at large. It is a carcinogenic with a prolong incubation period (30+) years, that incapacitates the lungs and breathing process by the infiltration of hook-like fibers for which there is no cure. The state of Ohio is reminded of the devastation caused by asbestos in the city of Mansfield. Exposure to construction materials that were manufactures there, consisting of asbestos caused the death of workers and their families. This occurred prior to governmental warnings and regulations of asbestos containing materials; and has resulted in a host of multi- billion dollar class-action law suits. Dayton is likewise, littered with older structures and vacant buildings that present a similar threat and must be dealt with in consideration of any urban renewal strategy. Environmental Considerations Type I and type II environmental research and analysis involves a careful walk-thru grid pattern of the land area to investigate the presence of illegal dumping, oil and chemical leakage, the presence of underground utilities and other buried materials. Various municipal departments and the fire department , should be consulted as to the historical use of a particular parcel. The type II process involves the abatement of such research which include taking bulk samples of hazardous materials for lab analysis and later air samples during and after abatement to determine atmospheric quality. For many decades throughout the country we have seen large segments of the general populace favor suburban residency. This same phenomenon has affected the downtown and inner-city areas of the city of Dayton for many of the same reasons: I- The increase of inner-city crime, home invasions, robbery,drug traffic, drive-by shootings. II- Unhealthy industrial environment : violation of EPA(Environmental Protection Agency). Federal standards pertaining to harmful emissions and chemical contamination, as well as accidents due to violation of OSHA(Occupational Safety and Health Administration) standards. III- Atmospheric pollution and traffic congestion. IV- Relocation of business parks and shopping centers to the outgoing suburbs. In the case of Dayton in particular, the demise of NCR, GM, DHL, HEWITT SON FACTORY, have all contributed to massive unemployment and relocation and displacement of the city's residents. Large National and international retailers and franchises such as Kroger, Wal-mart, McDonald's have traditionally, perceeded their decisions to locate in a metropolitan area, based upon a impact assessment of the location. Such assessment have been based upon most of the considerations that I have just itemized, and include others such as geographical flood and storm histories, traffic patterns, age, income, and educational demographics and statistical analysis. Judging from this itemized list it becomes obvious why Dayton lacks the presence of some of these franchises in certain areas. My target date for completion of the proposed report shall be 60 days maximum or less after contract award. My recommended fee for completing the requirements of the contract is $175,000( one hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars). A lesser amount can be considered by myself as an independent consultant, and in consideration of the city's budget limitations. A schedule for intermediate reports and presentations shall be available on a bi-weekly time-table. Construction Management Bonds LaShundra Hines Indiana Wesleyan University Personal Finance BUS 150 Keith Smith July 22, 2009 Construction Management The function of a construction manager is to advise and consult a client or owner concerning the programming and design of a project. This would include cost estimation, coordination of the work schedule , equipment and material deliveries. A concern in the managers advisement and consultation is trade jurisdiction of the various contractors and the activity coordination of the engineers and architect. One of the most important functions of a construction manager is to offer critical analysis as it relates to the design, economics, and constructibility being proposed by the architect while always keeping in mind the initial budget and the ultimate goal of providing the best possible facility. Demographics In the analysis of demographics and its impact on commercial spending, consideration should be given to the cause of Dayton residents who flee to neighboring communities,increasing crime rates. The lack of employment opportunities, and the infiltration of less desirable residents who fail to take proper care of their property, are some reasons for this flight,which robs Dayton City limits of responsible consumers whose spending would otherwise enhance retail development and progress. It is true, that those disadvantaged families who have been victimized by alcohol and substance abuse, economic down turns and criminal activity, need decent residents like anyone else. However; given the current economically depressing conditions, law enforcement, city inspectors and other institutional overseers are obliged to be more diligent in minimizing problems that arise under these circumstances. Urban Retail Strategy Proper use of land based resources dictates that urbanism advocates mixed-use development which combines residential, commercial, cultural, and recreational uses, rather than segregating these uses into separate zones or traditional single-use zoning. This strategy also facilitates the presence of a variety of demographic entities as per age, sex, income, etc. These varied consumers would be available in the area of retail development and would also cancel some concerns of isolated criminal activity. Environmental Concerns Asbestos legal firms advertising to represent victims of asbestos contamination , appear hourly on tv commercials. This fact emphasizes that asbestos is still a dangerous threat to the population at large. It is a carcinogenic with a prolong incubation period (30+) years, that incapacitates the lungs and breathing process by the infiltration of hook-like fibers for which there is no cure. The state of Ohio is reminded of the devastation caused by asbestos in the city of Mansfield. Exposure to construction materials that were manufactures there, consisting of asbestos caused the death of workers and their families. This occurred prior to governmental warnings and regulations of asbestos containing materials; and has resulted in a host of multi- billion dollar class-action law suits. Dayton is likewise, littered with older structures and vacant buildings that present a similar threat and must be dealt with in consideration of any urban renewal strategy. Environmental Considerations Type I and type II environmental research and analysis involves a careful walk-thru grid pattern of the land area to investigate the presence of illegal dumping, oil and chemical leakage, the presence of underground utilities and other buried materials. Various municipal departments and the fire department , should be consulted as to the historical use of a particular parcel. The type II process involves the abatement of such research which include taking bulk samples of hazardous materials for lab analysis and later air samples during and after abatement to determine atmospheric quality. For many decades throughout the country we have seen large segments of the general populace favor suburban residency. This same phenomenon has affected the downtown and inner-city areas of the city of Dayton for many of the same reasons: I- The increase of inner-city crime, home invasions, robbery,drug traffic, drive-by shootings. II- Unhealthy industrial environment : violation of EPA(Environmental Protection Agency). Federal standards pertaining to harmful emissions and chemical contamination, as well as accidents due to violation of OSHA(Occupational Safety and Health Administration) standards. III- Atmospheric pollution and traffic congestion. IV- Relocation of business parks and shopping centers to the outgoing suburbs. In the case of Dayton in particular, the demise of NCR, GM, DHL, HEWITT SON FACTORY, have all contributed to massive unemployment and relocation and displacement of the city's residents. Large National and international retailers and franchises such as Kroger, Wal-mart, McDonald's have traditionally, perceeded their decisions to locate in a metropolitan area, based upon a impact assessment of the location. Such assessment have been based upon most of the considerations that I have just itemized, and include others such as geographical flood and storm histories, traffic patterns, age, income, and educational demographics and statistical analysis. Judging from this itemized list it becomes obvious why Dayton lacks the presence of some of these franchises in certain areas. My target date for completion of the proposed report shall be 60 days maximum or less after contract award. My recommended fee for completing the requirements of the contract is $175,000( one hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars). A lesser amount can be considered by myself as an independent consultant, and in consideration of the city's budget limitations. A schedule for intermediate reports and presentations shall be available on a bi-weekly time-table.

Future Threats to Public Safety and Success in the War on Terror Research Paper

Future Threats to Public Safety and Success in the War on Terror - Research Paper Example Antonio Maria Costa can be quoted saying (2008) â€Å"Your citizens indeed say that what they fear the most is not terrorism, not climate change, not a financial crisis. It is public safety. And in the Americas, the biggest threat to public safety comes from drug trafficking and the violence perpetrated by organized crime†. Furthermore, Mr Costa stated that violence, gangs, kidnappings, brutality, and insurgences happening in different parts of the globe are drug related. Countless lives have been lost within in this gruesome problem. To make matters worse, innocent lives fall victims to it. From 2001 up to this date, it is still uncertain if we have really achieved success on the war on terror. The capture and execution of Saddam Hussein and the successful assassination of Osama bin Laden can be considered two of the greatest successes in what we call the war on terror. Assessing the war on terror is complex. We get different opinions from different people. Some way that it is a success, others say it is a depressing failure. We can read lots of resources which give us mixed views of the war’s status. One would be the fact that since 2001 there were no further terror attacks on American soil (Dart, 2012). This may mean that the war has been successful or it means that a terrorist plan has not been brought out yet. Although the war on terrorism may be hard to calculate, we cannot ignore that many nations are invested in the war. In spite of criticisms or compliments, everyone is pushing talks to counter

Taxation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words - 3

Taxation - Essay Example The first problem involving Ms. Vaughan involves a sale of a house giving rise to the payment of Capital Gains Tax (CGT). CGT can only arise on the disposal of an asset, which is this case is the house. However, not all sales of properties are subject to CGT. The most common exemption and is relevant to the case we have is the sale of a person’s principal private residence. In identifying whether such sale is taxable or not, let us look into the facts involved in the case. Ms. Vaughan bought the property in Brechin in 2 January 1982. She resided in that house until May 1984 before moving to Germany. From then on until 31 August 1990, she did not reside in that house not even on holidays. She lived in that house again from June 1995 until May 2002 where at the same time, she lent a large portion of the house to a tenant. In June 2002, she moved to Liverpool and was never able to live in the house in Brechin again. The question now is whether or not the house in Brechin is the primary resident of Ms. Vaughn. A primary consideration in determining whether such house is the primary residence of a person is the time spent is that place and the intent to go back to such place and establish residence. Under our tax code, residence simply means the place where one lives. Determining ones residency is dependent on ones length of stay, number and frequency of trips to the place (i.e. habitual stay) and the intention to stay in that particular place. Judging by the amount of time Ms. Vaughan spent in the property in Brechin and the fact that she lent the house to a tenant while she occupied only a portion thereof belies the fact that she wants to establish the place as her primary residence. Thus, such sale of property do not fall under the exemption provided for under the law. The indexation allowance in capital gains tax is computed based on the indexation rate of March 1982. It must be noted that implementation for individuals of

The United Nations Mission In Sierra Leone Essay

The United Nations Mission In Sierra Leone - Essay Example   At the beginning of 1995, the UN Secretary General appointed Mr. Berhanu Dinka, an Ethiopian national to help broker a peaceful settlement in Sierra Leone.   Dinka worked with the help of the Organization of African Union (OAU) and Economic Community of West African State (ECOWAS) to resolve this conflict and bring the country back to civilian rule. Mr. Dinka’s effort, together with ECOWAS and OAU, seemed to bear fruit as of February 1996, just a year after the war. Parliamentary and presidential elections were held, and the army ceded power to the winner, Alhaji Dr. Ahmed Tejan Kabbah. However, RUF refused to take part in the elections and declined to recognize Mr. Kabbah’s win. Their refusal to participate or accept the presidential and parliamentary election fuelled the war further.   In November 1996, Mr. Dinka, with the help of OAU and ECOWAS, assisted in the negotiation of the peace agreement between the government and RUF, commonly known as the Abidjan Ac cord.   However, the accord was not implemented immediately as it was derailed by another coup d’à ©tat 6 months later. At this time, the army also joined RUF and formed a ruling junta, forcing the president and his government to seek asylum in Guinea.   A new Special Envoy tried to persuade the military junta to cede power, but he failed. This forced the United Nations Council to impose sanctions on the rulers and allowed ECOWAS to implement the embargo using its military wing. 7 On October 23, 1997, a sub-committee of ECOWAS dealing with Sierra Leone met a delegation of the junta and held talks in Conakry, which led to the signing of a peace deal. This deal called for a ceasefire that was to be monitored by ECOMOG together with the UN military observers. On November 5, 1997, President Kabbah provided a communique accepting the new deal and said his government would work with ECOWAS, ECOMOG, UN, and the UNHCR to implement the new deal. However, although the junta said i t was committed to the agreement, it criticized some provisions of the agreement. This brought many questions than answers and as a result, the agreement was not implemented. 8 Due to continued conflict between the rebels and the government, the UN Security Council gave nod for the establishment UNAMSIL (United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone). The mandate of the mission was to help the government and the rebels to honor the Lome Peace Agreement. On February 7, 2000, the Security Council revised the mandate of UNAMSIL by adding more tasks. The military component was increased

Compare and discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the different Essay

Compare and discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the different sources of haemapoietic stem cells in transplantation - Essay Example Stem cell transplantation can be defined as a process by which stem cells from the patient or a donors bone marrow are removed and re-infused into the patient to produce healthy blood cells (Australian Academy of Science, 2001). Stem cell transplants may be allogeneic, syngeneic or autologous. The most common sources for such transplants are bone marrow, blood and umbilical cord or placental stem cells (Gross & Johnson, 1998. ) Bone marrow transplantation (BMT) is a procedure wherein the bone marrow, which has been destroyed subsequent to chemotherapy or radiation, is replaced with healthy bone marrow. Peripheral blood stem cell transplantation (PBSCT) involves replacing blood-forming cells destroyed by cancer treatment with immature blood cells (stem cells), which helps the bone marrow to recover and produce healthy blood cells as before (NCI, nd). Transplantation may be of three types (Rosenbaum & Rosenbaum, 2005): a. Autologous transplants, wherein patients have their own healthy bone marrow cells removed and stored till the time of transplant. Later, chemotherapy, and radiation in some cases, is administered to destroy any remaining diseased cells. b. Syngeneic transplants, wherein patients receive stem cells donated by their identical twin (monozygotic twin). In this case, in addition to HLA, all other genetic loci are also matched (Carella et al, 2001.). Although the development of GVHD can be avoided, the risk of relapse is greater in patients with leukaemia. This is due to the lack of GVL effect (Yarbro, Frogge & Goodman, 2005.) c. Allogeneic transplants, where patients receive stem cells donated by their brother, sister or parent (related allogeneic transplant) or an unrelated donor (unrelated allogeneic transplant). In order to find a potential donor, Human leukocyte antigen (HLA) testing has to be performed. The sources for

In what ways did the railways of the subcontinent alter the Essay

In what ways did the railways of the subcontinent alter the relationship of Indians to their surroundings - Essay Example 13). The pressure for building railways in India came from London in 1840’s. The reason for that was so the economies of the two countries would be intermeshed. The Indian Railway Association was formed by Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy and Hon. Jaganath Shunkerseth in 1845. The Association was eventually incorporated into the Great Indian Peninsula Railway and the two formers became the only two Indians among the ten directors. The first train journey in India was between Bombay and Thane on the 16th of April in 1853 (Rothermund, H.U. 1993, p. 28). Shankarseth participated in this journey which involved a fourteen carriage long train drawn by three locomotives. The locomotives were known as Sultan, Sindh and Sahib. The train was around twenty one miles in length and took forty five minutes approximately. A century after the introduction of railway lines in India, basic policies and ultimate management of the Indian Railways came from London. Every decision made had to come from London. This means that the British had a huge role in the ways the railways of the subcontinent affected the Indians and their surroundings. These effects were seen in the military front, economically and also politically (Crowley, H.U. 2011, p. 21). Robert Maitland Brereton was the British engineer responsible for the expansion of the railways from 1857. By 1864, the Calcutta-Allahabad-Delhi line was completed and the Allahabad-Jabalpur branch line opened in June 1867. These two were linked with the Great Indian Peninsula Railway courtesy of Brereton. This resulted in a combined network of six thousand four hundred kilometres making it possible to travel from Bombay to Calcutta directly via Allahabad. On 7th March 1870 this route was officially opened (Narayanan, H.U. 2011, p. 23). The opening of this route was part of the inspiration for French writer Jules Veme’s book Around the World in Eighty Days. The official opening ceremony was graced by the Viceroy Lord Mayo who concluded

Understanding management accounting and financial management Assignment

Understanding management accounting and financial management - Assignment Example For this expansion setting up new plant is essential for Flight high ventures plc to increase the capacity. The inception of new plant will require initial outlay of ?4m. Along with this, research and development department is taking another project of product development with two options A and B. In this report these two options are evaluated using different techniques. Two projects A and B both are mutually exclusive need to decide which project is more suitable for the Flight high ventures plc. Both the projects have initial capital investment which is shown in annexure as negative. Project B has initial investment of ?1210000 and project A has lower initial investment of ?968000. Lower initial investment does not signify that it is better to accept or reject because there is difference in economy of scale in those projects. Hence the effect is reflected in profit earning and in cash flows per year. These two projects are evaluated using four different techniques like payback meth od, accounting rate of return method (ARR), net present value (NPV) and internal rate of return (IRR) (Collier, 2003, 185-193). Payback for the project A is 2.5 years and for project B is 3.5 years. Hence project ‘A’ needs 4.5 years to get repaid by its cash flow and project ‘B’ needs 3.5 years. This pay back period depends on the amount of investment and size of cash inflow. If the project has higher cash inflow at the initial time of the tenure of the project then it will effect on the payback time to be lessened. This concept is an advantage to pay back process as the risk of payment through early payment is reduced in this process. Another few advantages are like easy to calculate, simple concept and consideration of cash not profit only. But this procedure of evaluation has major flaw of non consideration of time value of money. Payback concept does not consider the cash inflow out of the stipulated time which may be for infinite for some projects. Hen ce the project size and the time are not under consideration of this method. (Kay, 2011, p.108) Accounting rate of return of any project is based on the average accounting profit and average capital investment. Here profit is considered in the calculation instead of the cash flow. Profit is counted after excluding depreciation from the cash flow. This ARR calculation has similarity with other calculation for return on investment (ROI) and return on equity (ROE). Only dissimilarity is in denominator. In ARR the main benefit than payback is the consideration of the project life span. Simple in calculation of ARR is another advantage. The result of ARR can help to compare more than one project and also with other financial ratios. But main advantage is similar to payback is, not of considering the time value. Other disadvantages are like not considering the scale of the project and timing (Atrill and McLaney, 2006, p.329- 332). (Damodaran, 2002) In those above two methods risk is consi dered in the calculation but inflation and interest foregone factor is not considered. In the NPV and IRR method time value of money is applied in the calculation. In NPV calculation the absolute size of the project is accounted and also in the discounting factor consideration of calculation of the discounting rate is important (McGrath, 1998). Usually cost of capital is considered in this calculation but this is the main advantage of NPV method, because of the hardness in calculation of cost of capital (Brigham, Enrhardt, 2010, 383). IRR is positive for the projects with unknown discount rate but known cash flows. Like NPV, IRR also considers risk and time value of money. But IRR ignores the change in discount rate and also the gives multiple result for the cash flow with combination of inflow and out flow.

Sexual Response and Arousal Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Sexual Response and Arousal - Research Paper Example As disclosed, the breakdown of the gender of these participants was 101 male students and 111 female students and should be at least 18 years old to qualify as valid participants due to the explicit sexual content of the research. The methodology required a specifically designed erotic story composed of 1,600 words that allegedly started from precoital to postcoital detailed narrative scenes. A questionnaire was designed to measure pre-test levels of â€Å"sexual self-esteem, sexual desire, and pre- and posttest measures of arousal† (Scott & Cortez, 2011, p. 165). The results of the study revealed that there were no apparent significant levels of disparities between both genders in evaluating the appeal of erotic stories (using both explicit and suggestive narrative discourses) (Scott & Cortez, 2011). The authors, however, found that there were some disparities in terms of manifesting arousal levels between male and female under suggestive conditions. As disclosed, males who read suggestive narrative discourse exhibited limited increases in arousal levels as compared to males who read explicit narrative discourse, especially describing the coital scenario. As such, the authors concluded that â€Å"although women have reported physiological arousal in response to male-dominant explicit materials, women were more psychologically aroused by erotica designed for women† (Scott & Cortez, 2011, p. 174). The online published article from PsychCentral written by Nauert (2010) entitled â€Å"Men and Women Differ on Sexual Arousal† indicated that there are disparities between the way males and females respond physiologically to mental sexual arousal. As contended, â€Å"men’s reports of feeling sexually aroused tend to match their physiological responses, while women’s mind and body responses are less aligned† (Nauert, 2010, par. 2). These findings were reported to be the result of a study

The Purpose of School Essay Example for Free

The Purpose of School Essay In my opinion, the purpose of school is to educate, not teach, students in certain areas of knowledge chosen by those of the Board of Education in order to create ‘functioning’ members of ‘normal’ society. The difference between to educate and to teach is how the knowledge is presented. To educate is ‘to bring up (a child, physically or mentally), rear, nourish, support, or produce (plants or animals’ basically to use verbal methods such as lectures in a class setting, or praise for young child to create a specific skill set embedded in a person, be it information or behavior patterns. To teach is ‘to show, declare, demonstrate; teach, instruct, train; assign, prescribe, direct’ basically to use physical means to create an understanding of how something is performed. A common example of the two would be university and college. University is known for its textbooks and very written/audible learning styles whereas college is known as being more hands on. An even more common example would be a child’s journey to come to understand to stay away from a hot stove. A parent could verbally warn them of the dangers, but only once the child has learned through physical interaction does the warning remain in his mind. With these definitions, the title ‘teacher’ is misleading because those at the front of the room are not using methods to involve the students in learning, they are simply showing a PowerPoint and having the students write it in their note book; ‘Educator’ would be a more appropriate term to define those who are hired to only relay thoughtless knowledge because unless there is a physical aspect, it is harder to learn. One example would be sports. Watching Gretzky play hockey day in and day out does not mean that you will be able to skate like him if you have never skated before. Only by training your muscles and learning by acting will anyone begin to skate like a professional. Another example would be learning to play an instrument or learning to speak a language. Simply watching videos or taking notes on other peoples learning does not constitute you learning those skills because there are no sensory attachments. In History class, what is stopping a teacher from throwing out the PowerPoint’s, and having students act out a revolutionary battle? Old videos with droning old voices are not involving students in what the video is presenting. Naming their classmates after leaders of opposing sides, and acting out the battle would be both interactive, and create a better visual for what really happened during that battle. These tactics are not available to the students because ‘teachers’ do not make them available. Field trips, science experiments and interactive group projects are some examples of potential teaching strategies that are used sparingly. My own science teacher set the ceiling on fire during an experiment and we had to evacuate the room. While we all had a good laugh, we all remembered for a long time what chemicals not to mix if we did not want to scorch our ceilings. Out of three and a half years of schooling, not much will be retained over the long periods of time, let alone the 5 months to exams. What is remembered is the centrifugal force explained while on a trip to Canada’s Wonderland, and experiencing it on a roller coaster. Field trips are memorable and educational, and they teach students what educators cannot. Experience has always been an advantage of human nature and will always be a part of human nature. Sitting in a desk writing words not our own is not how we as people are supposed to learn. In the past, apprenticeships were how people learned, by physically performing the task over and over, allowing not only the brain to learn, but the muscles. By testing students on their ability to learn the same way as everyone else takes away the freedom and excitement of knowledge, transforming what could have been an eager mind starving for knowledge, into a box filled with what a group of individuals determined the majority of people should know. In my opinion, school is not a place for learning; it is a place for education. School is a confined space in which students are expected to conform to one set standards. The school building is a house that its residents despise, yet continue to walk the narrow hallways like mice in a cheese maze while others ‘guide’ us to where we should end up.

Symbols of a Worn Path Essay Example for Free

Symbols of a Worn Path Essay Phoenix Jackson; an old negro woman that partakes on a journey to take medicine to her sick nephew that is off in another town. Phoenix is old and through the story there are many accounts that I think are symbolic to being of age. Being one with nature Phoenix Jackson is determined to travel through the forest to tend to her sick nephew. The story itself was full of symbols, some that where more noticeable then others. Phoenix’s face was said to look like a tree with burning glow under it. Pretty much saying she was one with nature, that she was in touch with the natural side of things. And her name is Phoenix which is the same name of the mythical Egyptian bird that lives for 500 years, and then dies but for 500 years it regenerates itself. Her name symbolizes in her old age she lives on. In her old age she is also in touch with nature as her tree trunk like face shows. There are many times she talks to the animals: â€Å"Out of my way, all you foxes, owls, beetles, jack rabbits, coons and wild animal! Keep out from under these feet, little bob-whites. Keep the big wild hogs out of my path. Don’t let none of those come running my direction. I got a long way†(1) as in touch she is with nature, there are many instances that the forest showed signs of death when she seen a buzzard sitting on a dead tree, then she seen a scare crow. That also represents death, but she ended up dancing with the scare crow like she was dancing around death. So far through the journey Phoenix came upon many different things. She even had a symbolic dream; which had her reaching for a marble cake from a young boy which symbolized her living for a longer period of time. It also had a simple reason, just her hallucinating because of old age. But along the way Phoenix came across a well that she drank from that meant longevity. A lot of the symbols in the story had to do with her age or death. Soon after she was done drinking from the spring, a black dog came at her growling which symbolizes death once again. She hit the dog and it ran away. After the encounter with the dog Phoenix stumbles in falls into a ditch. Where she douses off and has a dream of her reaching and nobody pulling her up. Which symbolizes God looking down at her but does not reach for her because it is not her time to go to Heaven. After she wakes up from her dream she gets out the ditch and comes across a white hunter with two growling dogs. In her whole Journey she had many encounters with symbols of death, but made it through the forest to get the medicine to her sick grandson. â€Å"Critical discussion of A Worn Path largely has been concerned with thematic interpretation of the work, particularly the storys racial, mythological, and Christian motifs.† (2) Sometimes even called a Christian pilgrimage, because of the times God is mentioned and how she is still holding on to life. And he going through that forest sacrificing herself could go back to the scarifies Jesus did. But even with those things in it, there were still symbols of the mythological creature. As Phoenix walked through the forest she struggled with bad vision and hallucinations but still made it to the hospital to help her grandson. â€Å"The combined effects of her old age, her poor vision, and her poetic view of the world heighten the lyricism and symbolism of the narrative.† (2) Which made the story more interesting to the readers. Every hardship had a different meaning, and brought her closer to her goal.